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By Charles S. Barrett

This paper is a progress report covering metallographic applications of the electron microscope that have been made during the past year at Carnegie Institute of Technology. An account is presented of the techniques that have been most satisfactory, the difficulties encountered, the resolution obtained, and the peculiarities that have been noted in the microstruc-tures. About 1200 exposures have been made during the year on the instrument, which is an RCA type B2 transmission microscope,' and a number of these have been selected to illustrate the results obtained. prints are also included showing the common types of falsities—to borrow a term from the biological field, the "artifacts." ln brief, the paper is a record of our attempt to determine the value of the electron microscope in the study of the structure of metals and alloys. In addition to comments on techniques and the quality of photomicrographs obtainable with them, the paper discusses the nature of the etch attack on a few metals, and the possible relation between the fine structure revealed by etching and the mosaic block structure of the grains, since numerous papers and reviews are available on the subject of imperfection in crystals, the comments here may be very brief; in fact, are restricted almost entirely to points having to do with recent theories relating the strength of metals to imperfections and to spacings of slip lines. Specimen Preparation and Photographs Mechanical polishing by hand was used throughout this work. Precautions that must be taken in microscopy at high magnification, which have been well explained by Vilella in his book on Metallographic Technique for Steel, are likewise important with the electron microscope. This applies particularly to the need for these polishing and etching (each successive polish becoming less severe and each etch lighter), since the fina1 etch should in general be no heavier than is used for oil-immersion optical microscopy and in many instances should be much lighter (compare Figs. 6a and 7a, 6d and 7b). An extremely light etch, of course, is incapable of cutting through a flowed layer of appreciable thickness. Unquestionably it would be very advantageous in each instance to compare the structures obtained by electrolytic polishing with those obtained by mechanical polishing, but difficulties with the electrolytic method have prevented this in the following collection of prints. The choice of etchant is important, of course; for example, picral proved superior to nital for tempered martensite. With the exception of Figs. Ib and 16, the replicas used were of silica, deposited upon polystyrene and floated from the polystyrene in ethyl bromide according to the method of Heidenreich and Peck.2 The samples were mounted in Bakelite, polished and etched, then the polished Bakelite

Jan 1, 1944

By Waldemar Lingren

CONTENTS. PART I.-GENERAL FEATURES. [ ]

Jan 1, 1902

By John Wulff, H. H. Uhlig

Since its first mention in the literature in the eighteenth century12 the phenomenon of passivity in metals has stimulated much speculation and attendant controversy as to its nature and cause. No one of the numerous theories so far proposed has been generally accepted. ‡ Faraday,' in 1836, associated the passivity of iron with a protective film over the surface of the metal, which materially prevents or slows down reaction with corrosive environments. His theory was that oxidizing acids like nitric acid form an unstable oxygen or oxide layer over the iron surface, which protects the underlying metal from further attack. This concept was simple yet plausible, and without alteration has frequently been assigned in present-day discussions as explanation of the passivity of many metals. With the advent in recent times of stainless steels, it is not surprising that this oxide film theory of passivity proposed by Faraday has been used to explain the phenomenal corrosion resistance of stainless steels and other passive alloys. The passive alloys, such as the chrome-iron alloys, are supposedly covered with a protective oxide film, which forms on exposure of the alloy to air, is extremely stable and self-healing, and accounts for the remarkable resistance of these alloys to corrosion. Within the past few years, several investigators, following the theory of film protection, have attempted to gauge the resistance of the supposed film on steels. Brennert8 and Donker and Dengg9 determined the potential at which a negative ion (e.g., C1-) moving in an electric field reacted with the metal anode, as detected by increased current flow or change in potential of the steel electrode in an electrolytic cell. The potential corresponding to reaction Brennert called the film break-through potential.

Jan 1, 1939

By John Wulff, H. H. Uhlig

Since its first mention in the literature in the eighteenth century12 the phenomenon of passivity in metals has stimulated much speculation and attendant controversy as to its nature and cause. No one of the numerous theories so far proposed has been generally accepted. ‡ Faraday,' in 1836, associated the passivity of iron with a protective film over the surface of the metal, which materially prevents or slows down reaction with corrosive environments. His theory was that oxidizing acids like nitric acid form an unstable oxygen or oxide layer over the iron surface, which protects the underlying metal from further attack. This concept was simple yet plausible, and without alteration has frequently been assigned in present-day discussions as explanation of the passivity of many metals. With the advent in recent times of stainless steels, it is not surprising that this oxide film theory of passivity proposed by Faraday has been used to explain the phenomenal corrosion resistance of stainless steels and other passive alloys. The passive alloys, such as the chrome-iron alloys, are supposedly covered with a protective oxide film, which forms on exposure of the alloy to air, is extremely stable and self-healing, and accounts for the remarkable resistance of these alloys to corrosion. Within the past few years, several investigators, following the theory of film protection, have attempted to gauge the resistance of the supposed film on steels. Brennert8 and Donker and Dengg9 determined the potential at which a negative ion (e.g., C1-) moving in an electric field reacted with the metal anode, as detected by increased current flow or change in potential of the steel electrode in an electrolytic cell. The potential corresponding to reaction Brennert called the film break-through potential.

Jan 1, 1939

By G. C. Stone

AS the term "hardness" is used with many different meanings, it should be understood that it here means resistance to deformation by compression. It was determined by measuring the pressure, in pounds per square inch, necessary to reduce by 20 per cent., the length of cylinders 1 in. (25 mm.) in diameter by 2.6 in. (66 mm.) long. The tests were made at Columbia University on an Olsen 400,000-lb. machine, the load being applied at a constant rate of speed 0.0319 in. per min. The results were obtained by Messrs. Rigg and Williams, and some of them were given in a paper read at the Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the American Society for Testing Materials, in June, 1913. The remainder of the results were obtained in subsequent experiments by the same authors. In all cases, the results given are the averages of three or more closely concordant tests. All of the spelters tested were of standard commercial grades and all were of compositions making them good deliveries. The accompanying table gives the results arranged in the order of increasing hardness:

Jan 1, 1919

By David Turnbull

IN isothermal recrystallization processes, new crystals generally grow into the matrix until they impinge upon other new crystals or an external surface, at constant linear rates G. Before impingement the perceptible course of growth can be described by the equation: 1 = G(t-7) C1I where, G = dl/dt, 1 is a crystal dimension measured in a constant direction, t is the time, and 7, the nucleation period, is a positive intercept on the time axis. Fig. 1 is a schematic representation of I as a function of time for a recrystallizing grain. G is dependent upon temperature, driving energy (strain or surface energy), relative grain and boundary orientations, but is generally independent of time. The frequency of nucleation, fi, (time" volume") can be defined by the equation: N = 1/fV [2] where ? is the mean nucleation period and V is the volume of the specimen that has not recrystallized. The kinetics of primary and secondary recrystallization generally can be described satisfactorily in terms of the parameters N and G only.'-" After recrystallization is complete the average grain size 7 increases with time by "normal grain growth;" didt, the average rate of grain growth, is strongly time dependent and has not yet been precisely related to G for the motion of the individual grain boundaries constituting the system. It has been suggested4* " that the elementary act in grain boundary migration is closely related to the elementary act in grain boundary self-diffusion. Although the distance of atom movement in the two processes may be somewhat different, there is reason to expect that the activated states may be very similar, so that the free energy of activation for grain boundary migration should be of the same order of magnitude as for grain boundary self-diffusion. Therefore, it is desirable to develop a satisfactory basis for comparing data on self-diffusion and grain boundary migration and to make such comparisons where possible. Theory The formal theory of grain boundary migration rates is analogous to the theory for the rate of growth of crystals into supercooled liquids reviewed elsewhere 6-8. Boreliuss has shown that the latter theory describes, within the theoretical uncertainty, the growth of selenium crystals into supercooled liquid selenium. Motto and more recently Smolu-chowski" have derived expressions for the rate of boundary migration in recrystallization. The treatment to be presented is similar to Mott's excepting that the formalism of the absolute reaction rate theory will be used. The atomic mobility, M, in grain boundary migration is defined by: G = -M6p/6x where p is the chemical potential per atom and x is the coordinate measured in the direction of grain boundary movement. Let AF be the free energy difference per gram atom on the two sides of the boundary and k the thickness of the boundary. For RT>>AF the potential gradient across the boundary (6p/6x) is essentially linear and it follows that: SF/8x = - aF/N\ [4] where N is Avogadro's number. According to the Nernst-Einstein equation, M is related to a diffusion coefficient, Do, for matter transport in grain boundary migration by the equation: M = Da/kT [5] Substituting eqs 4 and 5 into eq 3 gives the basic relation between Do and G: G = DoaF/\RT [6] Do values may be calculated from experimental values of G from eq 6 and directly compared with the coefficient of self-diffusion within the crystal, DL, or the grain boundary self-diffusion coefficient D,. However, a more convenient, though equivalent, basis for comparing atomic mobility in grain boundary migration and self-diffusion is through the constants of the absolute reaction rate theory. According to this theory diffusion coefficients may be written:" D = k2(kT/h) exp [-AF,/RT] 171 aFa, the free energy of activation, is related to the measured energy of activation, Q, by the equation: AFA = Q - T aSx - RT [8] where aSa is the entropy of activation. Substituting eqs 8 and 7 into eq 6 gives: G = ek(kT/h) (aF/RT) exp [(AS,,)C/R] exp C-Qc/RTI C91 where the subscript G refers to boundary migration. The relationship between the driving free energy and the free energy of activation in boundary migration is indicated schematically in Fig. 2. Experience indicates that the variation of G with temperature can be described by: G= Go exp [- Qc/RT] [10] where Go and Qc are generally temperature independent over wide ranges of temperature. Comparison of eq 9 with eq 10 gives:

Jan 1, 1952

All the TECHNICAL PUBLICATIONS and CONTRIBUTIONS published in 1933 are available at Institute headquarters, unless otherwise noted. They are also on file in many public, university and technical libraries and, when so indicated in the list, may be found in the TRANSACTIONS. Copies of the TECHNICAL PUBLICATIONS have been mailed to those members of the Institute who are registered in the different classes: A-Metal Mining; B-Milling and Concentration; C-Iron and Steel Division; D-Nonferrous Metallurgy;. E-Insti¬ tute of Metals Division; F-Coal Division; G-Petroleum Division; H-Nonmetallic Minerals; I-Mining Geology; J-Mineral Industry Education Division; K-Mining Administration; L-Geophysical Prospecting. Other members may obtain copies by writing to the Secretary. Copies of CONTRIBUTIONS may also be obtained from the Secretary's office. Additional copies are sold at the rate of 1 cent per page; minimum charge, 25 cents. Nonmembers may purchase the papers at the prices mentioned. METAL MINING TECH- NICAL PUBLI- TITLE AUTHOR MEETING TRANS. CATION VOLUME No. AND PAGE* 499-A.47 Red Ore Mines of the Woodward T. C. DeSollar New York, Iron Company at Bessemer, Feb., 1933 Alabama (11) CONTRI¬ BUTION No. 1-A The Owyhee Tunnels (16) P. R. Hines New York, Feb., 1933 2-A Sinking and Equipment of the No. D. D. Homer New York, 2 Shaft at Minas de Mata- R. H. Cromwell Feb., 1933 hambre (25) 3-A Subsidence Resulting from the Charles W. Allen New York, Athens System of Mining at Feb., 1933 Negaunee, Michigan (8) 4-A Effect of Approximately Vertical P. B. Bucky New York, Cracks on the Behavior of Hori- Feb., 1933 zontally. Lying Roof Strata (16) 21-A Selection of a Mining System (11) R. K. Warner New York, Feb., 1933

Jan 1, 1933

By Paul Tyler

THE ferroalloying elements are connecting links between the steel industry and the nonferrous metal industries. Although ferroalloys are distinctly nonferrous themselves, they serve the steel industry either in the manufacturing process or in modifying the product-in some cases so that it may compete in the markets with nonferrous metals. Of the 92 elements generally accepted by chemists as constituting the primary building blocks of matter, all but the very rarest have been investigated with a view to employing them in steel manufacture. The surprising thing is that so few have been found commercially acceptable. Despite the relatively small number of elements involved, the employ-ment of alloys in steelmaking is one of the most complicated and probably one of the least well understood of modern industrial enterprises. A great deal has been written regarding the action of individual elements and a profuse and somewhat acrimonious literature covers pretty much the whole field of ferroalloy ore supplies. In the middle ground between the miner and the steelmaker developments are less carefully watched by most observers, and except for an occasional description of the technique of some conversion process or the tariff hearings in Congress, very little is said about them. The purpose of the present paper is to describe in relatively nontechnical terms this highly complex industry and to study its relations to our national progress.

Jan 1, 1933

By J. R. Craig, T. N. Solberg, M. A. Linden

The central and southern Appalachian Mountains were the major sources of domestically produced gold throughout the first half of the 19th century and continue to yield gold today. Small amounts of gold were probably extracted by the Indians and the Spaniards but the first documented report of gold in the region was made by Thomas Jefferson who found, in the Rappahannock River of Virginia in 1782, a 1.8 kg (4 lb) lump of gold ore that yielded 26 g (0.85 oz). Gold was subsequently discovered in North Carolina between 1793 and 1799, in Virginia in 1806, in South Carolina in 1827, in Georgia in 1829, and in Alabama about 1830 (Becker, 1894-5; Pardee and Park, 1948). Production climbed to more than 933 kg/a (30,000 oz per year) between 1830 and 1852, but dropped sharply after the California gold rush in 1849 as experienced miners moved west in search of bigger and easier stakes. The Civil War briefly halted gold mining in the Appalachians, but production rose to an average of about 249 kg/a (8,000 oz per year) from 1865 until 1878 and to about 404 kg/a (13,000 oz per year) from 1881 until 1915 when it again fell to near nil (Pardee and Park, 1948). Minor resurgences occurred in the 1930s and 1940s. Although there has been no reported production in recent years, it is likely that "weekend panners" still remove hundreds of ounces from streams annually. The total reported production for the area through 1959 is more than 77 t (2.5 million oz). This paper reports some initial findings of a long-term project designed to investigate the mineralogy, chemistry, mode of occurrence, and petrology of gold occurrences in the Appalachians. The goal of the initial phase was to determine the compositional range of gold in the Appalachians as a step toward deciding if sufficient variations were present to allow the definition of "compositional signatures." The very few published data on gold fineness in the Appalachians are based on assays that commonly include gold and silver from several mineral species. Analyses in the present study were performed on individual grains of electrum using a spot size of 10 µm x 10 µm to 100 µm X 100 µm (394 X 394 micro in. to 3,940 X 3,940 micro in.), and thus reveal the true composition of the principal precious metal-bearing phase.

Jan 1, 1984

By J. E. Tobey

THERE are a lot of good things about this great industry of ours. Let us stop commiserating and consider some of the things that are right in this business. Coal is number one in the basic material industries. Our civilization owes more to it than to any other basic commodity. We are literally immersed in the benefactions of coal. In cur man-made world it is indispensable and we are constantly surrounded by objects, materials, and services which owe their existence to coal. Practically all the important materials, such as iron, steel, brick, cement, lime, rubber, glass, cotton, and wood have felt its magic touch.

Jan 1, 1939

By A. L. Holley

The application of scientific methods to the investigation of natural laws and to the conduct of the useful arts which are founded upon them, is year by year mitigating the asperity and enlarging the outcome of human endeavor. More notably, perhaps, are these the facts in that system of productive and constructive arts of which engineering is the general name. In metallurgical engineering especially, within the period of our own recollection, how rapid has been the rate and how wide the scope of progress: the scientific discovery and mining of metalliferous veins; the economical separation and reduction of ores of every grade; the production and regulation of high temperatures; the varied improvements in the manufacture of iron, in saved heat and work, in uniformity and range of products; and, most important of all, the creation and the utilization, to be counted by the million tons a year, of the cheap constructive steels. Wonderful as this range and degree of development may appear to the public eye, the close and thoughtful observer must, nevertheless, conclude that neither the profession nor the craft of engineering may congratulate themselves too complaisantly, but that they should rather acknowledge to each other the embarrassing incompleteness of the union between engineering science and art. There is a small school of philosophers whom we may designate as original investigators, men who come close to nature, who search into first principles, and who follow that scientific and therefore fruitful method by which the relations of matter and force are discovered, classified, and brought within the reach of practice. These wonderful men do not indeed create the laws of nature, as they sometimes almost seem to, but they go up into the trembling mountain and the thick darkness and bring down the tables upon which they are written.

Discussion of the paper of S. E. Bretherton, presented at the Butte meeting, August, 1913, and printed in Bulletin No. 80, August, 1913, pp. 1481 to 1487. S. E., BRETHERTON, San Francisco, Cal.:-Since preparing my paper, our chemist, F. L. Wilson, has been experimenting with Leadville, Colo., oxidized zinc ore and Leadville zinc sulphides containing lead, operating upon 40-1b. lots at a time. His results on Leadville sulphides are as follows: The raw ore contained a trace of gold, 5.04 oz. of silver, 19.1 per cent of zinc, and 7.24 per cent of lead. After roasting the ore contained a trace of gold, 5.72 oz. of silver, 0.75 per cent of copper, 21.7 per cent of zinc, and 8.29 per cent of lead. The loss in weight by leaching was 38.8 per cent. The extraction was 42.8 per cent of the copper, 80.6 per cent of the zinc, 7.1 per cent of the lead, 0.64 per cent of the silver, and no gold. The little .silver that is extracted would be thrown down with the copper when precipitating it from the zinc and both thrown hack into the residue to be smelted. There would be no trouble in smelting the residue with nearly all the sulphur eliminated and containing less than 7 per cent. of zinc. On zinc carbonates containing silicates the results are not satisfactory. H. O. HOFMAN, Boston, Mass. (communication to the Secretary*) :¬The paper by Mr. Bretherton upon the application of ammonia and carbonic acid to the recovery of zinc as oxide from roasted sulphide ore is of interest to me, as the first installation of the Schnabel process for the extraction of zinc from a mixture of zinc oxide, lead oxide (with some cupric oxide), and pellets of enriched lead, produced in steaming liquated zinc-silver-lead crust of the Parkes process, was made at Lautenthal, Harz mountains, where I was chemist. In that capacity I carried out numerous experiments on the Schnabel process, was active in the erecting of the plant, and later had charge of it. After the Lautenthal plant had been in operation for some time a similar one was built at Hoboken-les-Anvers, but both have been abandoned, as the wet process could not compete with the distillation of the liquated zinc-silver-lead crust, now used universally in the Parkes process.

Jan 11, 1913

By J. C. Febles

HISTORY. THE use of iron for the precipitation of copper was known at least as early as the fifteenth century. Both Paracelsus and Basil Valentine refer to it in their writings, as early as 1500 A. D. It was used in Peru, for this purpose prior to 1637, and at Rio Tinto, Spain, as early as the sixteenth century. The statement has been made repeatedly that in the early history of the mining industry at Butte, the practicability of this method of recovering copper from solution was overlooked, and that enormous quantities of copper-bearing water were allowed to go to waste, the copper in which might easily have been recovered at small cost; and that this oversight on the part of the mine operators was due to ignorance of this method of recovering copper. As a matter of fact, very little copper-bearing mineral was encountered in the mines of Butte until a depth of 400 or 500 ft. bad been reached, and in many cases much greater depths were necessary to reach the copper-bearing zone. The water encountered in the upper levels (although in most cases quite highly mineralized) contained little or no copper, and it was only after considerable areas of copper-bearing ore had been uncovered and developed that copper sulphate began to. appear in the mine water in any considerable quantity. In fact, the first water that was observed to contain copper carried it in such small amounts as to be of little or no importance. It was only after years of underground work had opened extensive areas of stopes, drifts, and other underground workings, these being subsequently filled with waste, nearly all of which contained small copper values, which became oxidized by exposure to the air and were acted upon by the slowly percolating mineral water, that the recovery of copper from mine water became commercially important.

Jan 7, 1913

By James P. Kimball

Sulphur is always present in mineral coal of every variety. In the oxidized state it may exist as sulphuric acid in combination with a base. In the unoxidized state it exists in combination with iron as bisulphide of iron. It is also supposed by some chemists to exist in unknown combinations with the organic elements of the coal. This supposition requires the demonstration as a fact that certain coals yield more sulphur than what may exist in a free state, or what belongs to recognized combinations, not only with the accompanying iron but with other inorganic bases abundantly occurring in coals, but which unfortunately are very rarely estimated. This practically as well as theoretically important question it is at present impossible to decide, simply for want of available thorough ultimate coal analyses including the ash. Such analyses, at the best imperfect, are luborious and intricate, and therefore seldom made, the much simpler proximate analyses, so-called, being resorted to by most chemists for technical purposes, and commonly substituted for more scientific work even in the laboratories of government surveys. And it is unfortunate enough that few ultimate analyses are extended to the composition of the ash, much less to its relation to the original constitution of the coal. Sulphur chiefly occurs in most coals in the form of yellow pyrites (pyrite) and white pyrites (marcasite), both minerals, characterized by differences in crystalline form and in physical properties as well as in color, but having the same chemical composition (FeS2). No coal is entirely free from one or both of these dimorphous forms of bisulphide of iron. It may be disseminated through the mass so as to be invisible, in plates or scales between the laminæ of the coal, or in conspicuous segregations or nodules, sometimes of considerable dimensions. Coals greatly differ as to the proportion of sulphur which they contain. They also differ as to the relative proportion in which its several forms of combination occur. Such qualitative and qnantitative disparities arc scarcely, if at all, more marked in separate coal seams of a uniform type than in different parts of one and the same coal seam, whether it be considered locally as constituted of several

Jan 1, 1880

By Alan Morris

Season cracking of brass has received wide attention and there is a wealth of technical literature on the subject. Its causes arc fairly well understood and means for its prevention are inexpensive and effective, so that the frequency of failures from this source has diminished of recent years. But its sister phenomenon, the failure of annealed brass by reason of applied tensile stress plus a certain type of corrosion, has received less attention, though it has been responsible for occasional more or less troublesome cases of cracking of brass in service. The work described in the following pages was undertaken about two years ago to determine the relative resistance of various commercial brass mixtures to stress-corrosion cracking, and to learn something of the controlling factors. By stress-corrosion cracking we mean the cracking of brass free from internal stresses by reason of applied tensile stress and simultaneous attack by certain corrosive agents. Rogers,' in discussing a paper by Hatfield and Thirkell, says: " He had also applied a solution of mercuric salt to tensile test pieces of brass whilst they were under stress in the testing machine. At very moderate stresses such test pieces cracked, and very readily broke." Moore, Beckinsale and Mallinson2 subjected test pieces to simultaneous corrosion and tensile stress. In order to determine the minimum stress detectable in brass by the mercurous nitrate test, tensile samples were placed under stress and treated with mercurous nitrate solution. They found that brass stressed below a minimum did not crack. Dr. McAdam3 has investigated the effect of corrosion on the fatigue limit of brasses, among other materials. He directed a stream of either fresh or salt water against the specimen while it was undergoing fatigue test. The corrosion-fatigue limits thus determined may be considerably lower than the endurance limit without coincident corrosion. The exact

Jan 1, 1930

By H. G. Moulton

THE INCREASING scale of mining operations over the past decade, particularly in connection with the exploitation of large bodies of comparatively low-grade copper ores, has made necessary the study of the behavior of rock under failure. When extractions of as high as 40,000 tons a day are reached in steam-shovel operations and as high as 20,000 tons per day in underground mining operations, it is evident that excavations soon become of such size that the behavior of the rock will often be dependent on fundamental principles applicable to more or less homogeneous materials under stress, rather than on weathering or local planes of weakness. In the ordinary rock excavations encountered in civil-engineering practice, such as excavations for subways, highways, railroads, etc., rock faces are not carried to depths sufficient to develop any pressures, or consequently any failures, except those due to loose masses resulting from local planes of weakness. When, however, orebodies whose tonnage is measured by hundreds of thousands are to be extracted by steam-shovel operations in open pits, it is necessary to determine if possible in advance the slopes that the sides of the pits will assume, for these slopes influence the shape of the excavations and thereby the amount of ore that may be extracted by the open-pit method. When large orebodies are mined underground at depths of 300 to 500 ft. (91 to 152 m.) by caving methods, the surface subsiding as the ore is withdrawn, it is necessary to determine in advance the outermost limits of fracture in the subsiding surface, for on the delineation of these limits depends the location of surface improvements, mills, smelters, etc. and also the location of development work, such as hoisting shafts, main haulage levels, and all other underground openings that must remain undisturbed during the period of ore extraction. Heretofore, in civil-engineering practice, it has been assumed that earth and rock behave differently in failure. For the calculation of earth

Jan 2, 1920

By L. G. Huntley

The occurrence of oil or "tar" in Mexico was mentioned as early as the seventeenth century by Friar Sagahun, who gives the Indian name "chapopote," by which these asphalt seepages are still called. This asphalt was apparently used, as it has been used by primitive people in many parts of the world, in religious ceremonies and for medicinal purposes. Travellers also report that the ruins in Yucatan and the pyramids in southern Mexico show traces of the use of "chapopotel' as a building cement.l DeGolyer says that the first attempt to exploit oil or gas in Mexico in a commercial way is shown by the records of the Memoria de Fomento of 1865, when permission was granted to a Senor Ildefonso Lopez to exploit the deposits of petroliferous substances in the San Jose de las Rusias area in the State of Tamaulipas. Other concessions follow, and probably refer to surface seepages which occur in that district. This was several years after the discovery of oil in Pennsylvania. In 1868, a well 125 it. deep was :drilled by a company organized in Mexico City, in what is now known as the,, Furbero district, and a little oil was refined there. In 1873, residents of Tampico denounced seepages along the Tamesi River, and asphalt was mined near Tempoal in the Canton of Tantoyuca. No drilling was attempted. But between 1880 and 1883 several shallow wells were drilled for oil in Mexico, two of them being near the present Potrero de Llano field west of Tuxpam. The wells were drilled by a Boston company with Canadian rigs, and are said to have reached a depth of about 400 ft., while one is reported to have flowed. Several other abortive attempts were made to drill for oil between 1885 and the beginning of the present century, about which time the Mexican Petroleum & Liquid Fuel Co., Ltd., in which Cecil Rhodes was interested drilled 24 wells unsuccessfully, several of them as deep as 1,500 ft., in the State of Vera Cruz. Also Messrs. Doheny and Canfield of California pur-

Jan 1, 1916

By Lawrence Addicks

Some three years ago the smelter connected with the Chrome, N. J., refinery of the United States Metals Refining Co. found itself embarrassed by constantly increasing piles of unsmelted blast-furnace flue dust. The charge was fine and 10 to 15 per cent. of it was blown over into the flue. Sulphur was at that time too scarce to make the sintering of the finer part of the charge attractive, and raw-ore smelting in a reverberatory with a partly oxidized charge was not to be thought of. A great many schemes were considered, including leaching, blowing into the converters, and briquetting, the problem finally narrowing down to blast roasting and nodulizing. It was found by experiment that blast roasting would not yield a satisfactory sinter without the addition of coke dust or sulphide fines to augment the fuel value of the flue dust, and on this account, together with the low first cost of a kiln, the latter was decided upon. A couple of tons of flue dust were tried out in the experimental kiln in the laboratory at Yorktown, Va., of J. H. Payne, who acted as consulting engineer in this connection. This kiln was approximately 2 ft. in diameter and 20 ft. long and was fired with fuel oil. A run of several hours yielded excellent nodules. The ki1n showed no tendency to build in and form "nose rings" and gave a fuel consumption of 50 gal, of oil per ton of flue dust. There was no indication of any stack loss. The roasting was strongly oxidizing. A study of what full-size kilns were doing on cement clinker and on nodulizing pyrites cinder indicated that a 60 by 6 ft. kiln would certainly not consume over half of the oil per ton of flue dust shown on the test and as fuel oil at that time was selling around 2 1/2 c. per gallon it was decided to let it go at that. A 60 by 6 ft. kiln was decided on, as that size is standard in cement practice, although fast being replaced by much larger ones with their greater fuel economy, and as it fitted in the building space available. A 6-in. brick lining brought the net diameter down to 5 ft. The inclination

Jan 1, 1915

By John A. Church

In the year 1874, when the price of pig-iron was still high, that staple product became the subject of discussion in the newspapers and among those philosophers who are determined to know the "reason why" for all things. The object of the inquiry was to find out Why iron did not fall in price as much as some other things had fallen. Indeed, there seemed to be an impression that iron and gold ought to move on nearly parallel lines, for the fact was constantly brought forward that iron then cost twice as much as it did before the war, though gold had returned to within twelve or fifteen per cent. of its former value. After some time the papers, by what seemed to be nearly unanimous consent, reached the conclusion that the maintenance of high prices was the work of the furnace proprietors, who, as the result of their shrewdness, were pocketing enormous profits. No proof was given to support this opinion, and the figures of cost and sale that were produced were of the most general kind, and used in the most vague manner. Visiting the president of the Thomas Iron Company, whose great works at Hokendaqua and Catasauqua, in Pennsylvania, are so well known as the largest and among the best conducted in America, I found him quite willing to meet the vague suspicions of the newspaper wiseacres, by a publication of the figures contained in the furnace-books of his company. These were accordingly given to the world through the Engineering and Mining Journal, and attracted the general attention they so well deserve. Though my own name became connected with these statistics, from the fact that I used them as the basis for the first attempt ever made to calcalate the furnace economy of an American works, I can, without the suspicion of egotism, say that the statistics referred to are the most valuable contribution the literature of American blast-furnace work has yet received, for their interest is independent of personal considerations, and due entirely to the fact that they represent faithfully the details of practice in one of the most prominent American works. They are an exact transcript of the furnace-books, and form a body of accurate information of the greatest value to the metullurgical student. Their importance is shown by the fact that though the theoretical conclusions which I based upon them have been several times attacked, not one of my critics has made the slightest contribution to

By John A. Church

IN the year 1874, when the price of pig-iron was still high, that staple product became the subject of discussion in the newspapers and among those philosophers who are determined to know the "reason why" for all things. The object of the inquiry was to find out why iron did not fall in price as much as some other things had fallen. Indeed, there seemed to be an impression that iron and gold ought to move on nearly parallel lines, for the fact was constantly brought forward that iron then cost twice as much as it did before the war, though gold had returned to within twelve or fifteen per cent. of its former value. After some time the papers, by what seemed to be nearly unanimous consent, reached the conclusion that the maintenance of high prices was the work of the furnace proprietors, who, as the result of their shrewdness, were pocketing enormous profits. No proof was given to support this opinion, and the figures of cost and sale that were produced were of the most general kind, and used in the most vague manner. Visiting the president of the Thomas Iron Company, whose great works at Hokendaqua and Catasauqua, in Pennsylvania, are so well known as the largest and among the best conducted in America, I found him quite willing to meet the vague suspicions of the newspaper wiseacres, by a publication of the figures contained in the furnace-books of his company. These were accordingly given to the world through the Engineering and Mining Journal, and attracted the general attention they so well deserve. Though my own name became connected with these statistics, from the fact that I used them as the basis for the first attempt ever made to calculate the furnace economy of an American works, I can, without the suspicion of egotism, say that the statistics referred to are the most valuable contribution the literature of American blast-furnace work has yet received, for their interest is independent of personal considerations, and due entirely to the fact that they represent faithfully the details of practice in one of the most prominent American works. They are an exact transcript of the furnace-books, and form a body of accurate information of the greatest value to the metallurgical student. Their importance is shown by the fact that though the theoretical conclusions which I based upon them have been several times attacked, not one of my critics has made the slightest contribution to

Jan 1, 1876